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To our members, friends, supporters, and visitors,
Please, pass it on!
A Call to Political Action for Freedom & Development
Parnell Duverger
Chairman, The Louverture Center for Freedom & Development
January 1, 1804 – January 1, 2009.
205 years of independence wasted away by a long
series of petty and corrupt dictators, who thrived in an
unfair social system made for the minority of the rich and
powerful, as the majority, uneducated, poor, hungry and sick
continued to face a life of misery and despair. Through
these years, through these centuries should I properly say,
not much has changed for the common man and woman of Haiti,
except for their new willingness to escape the hellish
conditions of extreme poverty and political violence, by
seeking refuge in neighboring countries where a better life
and a more hopeful future can be found, complete with the
freedom and the economic prosperity for which their own
country, Haiti, was born on a new year day. Is it time for
all Haitians to find at home what they have sought and found
in foreign lands, i.e. individual liberty, opportunities,
economic prosperity, security, personal growth and
development.
Nowhere else in the world will one find a larger number of
Haitians living a more successful life, free and prosperous,
while enjoying the hard earned respect of society and
government, than in the United States of America. Thus, as
Haitians living at home measure, with envy and disbelief,
the good fortune of relatives and friends in America, their
restlessness becomes increasingly acute as they continue to
confront Haiti’s successive crop of authoritarian, often
brutal, and corrupt political leaders, who, to this day,
keep denying to the impoverished masses the freedom and
prosperity promised by the nation’s forefathers on January
1, 1804.
More than two decades after the start of a long awaited
transition – from an authoritarian to a democratic society –
which began in February 1986, Haiti continues to drift
aimlessly into greater poverty, a travesty of democracy,
violence and foreign military occupations, unable to seize
on the tremendous and exciting new opportunities for trade
and economic development offered by a brave and hopeful new
world of globalization, economic liberalization, and
economic integration. For, while disoriented by the
spectacular implosion of the Soviet Union as well as by the
demise of authoritarian regimes throughout the world during
the 1980s and the 1990s, and inspired by the new theology of
liberation, with its doomed hopes of saving Marxist
totalitarianism from total bankruptcy, an emergent political
class, dominated by ideologues of the radical left, have
sequestered Haiti’s fragile democratic process with a
stubborn will to land our poor and needy country into a
dubious alignment of undemocratic nations seeking to fan the
flame of terrorism and political instability in our
hemisphere.
Haiti’s movement toward democratic life appears to suffer
from the same congenital defect that has afflicted the
country since it debuted as an independent nation on the
world’s stage: an unwillingness or incapacity of its rulers
and political leaders, often self-appointed, to contribute
to endowing every single citizen of Haiti, as their
birthright, with the individual liberties, security and
prosperity for which their ancestors defeated a powerful
colonial army, with heroics so uncommon that the heart of
every Haitian remains filled with eternal pride. Thus, the
major challenge facing Haiti as a nation now and forever,
although always ignored or misunderstood to this day, is how
best to protect the individual freedoms of Haitians, by
limiting the scope and power of government, and by
enshrining or wowing into the fabric of Haitian society, the
strong, dynamic, universal and well adapted institutions of
liberty, upon which free societies are built and in which
free people prosper. On planning and organizing to meet such
challenge effectively and efficiently, rests the success or
failure of Haitian society to transform itself into a free,
democratic and prosperous nation, as well as the future
economic well being of individual Haitians.
Today, one recognizes that to build for Haiti the
institutions of free societies is not the Herculean task
that the nation’s forefathers faced 205 years ago when they
declared the country’s independence. For, Haiti now can
learn from the experience and emulate the achievements of
the industrially advanced nations of the Western hemisphere,
the free societies of which have led their individual
citizens to enjoy rights, liberties and economic prosperity
on a grand and large scale never seen before in the history
of mankind. Moreover, by engaging without delay its
collective political will, as well as the creative energies
and determination of its individual citizens, into the
development of a culture of freedom and a process of wealth
creation, based on lessons learned from its own undemocratic
and turbulent past, from the achievements of western
societies, from the successes and failures of past and
modern economies in transition, including those of the
former Soviet Union and China, as well as on the wealth of
academic knowledge, practical know-how, proven leadership
abilities and managerial experience accumulated by Haitian
expatriates in the United States, and elsewhere,
Haiti can once again regain a position of leadership in the
world, setting an example for and leading other less
developed countries in the global fight against poverty, as
well as for freedom, economic development, human rights,
democracy, and the rule of law.
If, as our forefathers professed, we, Haitians, have a dream
of liberty in a prosperous society, then we can find much
inspiration and guidance in the goals and public
policies as well as in the institutions and
organizations of the free societies of the Western
Hemisphere, who have been spectacularly successful on their
own individual and culturally different path to
freedom, economic prosperity, democracy and political
stability. What are those goals? While, generally, the
political goals include the establishment of a
representative system of democratic government, with
independent executive, legislative, judiciary branches, and
based on political pluralism, the rule of law, as well as
the free exercise of individual liberties, political and
human rights, economic goals usually focus on economic
growth, full employment, economic efficiency, price level
stability, economic freedom, an equitable distribution of
income, economic security, and a reasonable balance of trade.
To achieve such goals, free societies rely on the
institutions and organizations of the free enterprise
system of a market economy based on the price
mechanism of the market, well-established private property
rights, competition, freedom of enterprise, freedom of
choice, specialization, capital accumulation, technological
changes, and a limited government that
provides an accommodating legal structure, maintains
competition, promotes stability, promotes freedom of
enterprise, reallocates resources, and insures the
availability of public goods and services.
Moreover, Haiti also stands to learn and benefit
significantly from the trials and errors as well as the
positive accomplishments of recent economies in transition –
China, Russia, the former countries of the Soviet Union – or
less recent ones such as the Asian NIEs, i.e. the Newly
Industrialized Economies of Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and
Korea, if it wholly accepts and embraces the establishment
of a free society driven by the free enterprise system of
the market economy, as the primary and ultimate goal of
renewed and clearly redefined transition efforts, from its
current initial conditions of a failed state, of which the
small market economy remains heavily burdened by tradition
and the erratic command of a long string of dictators. To
this end, the recommendations and best practices proposed by
the International Private Capital Task Force (IPCTF),
as a basic economic policy framework for accelerating the
transition or transformation of a developing country from
any given prevailing initial conditions into a
well-functioning market economy, appear to constitute
appropriate public policy prescriptions for Haiti. And if,
as suggested by the Bleyzer Initiative (SigmaBleyzer,
2002: The Bleyzer Foundation), such policy prescriptions
form the basis of a partnership with international donors
for targeted assistance and financial aid, a successful path
may be created for Haiti to turn its transition into
prosperity. The SigmaBleyzer – IPCTF’s Economic Policy
Framework consists a set of macroeconomic stabilization
policies, both fiscal and monetary policies, aimed at
creating an appropriate macroeconomic environment, and a
set of 9 investment drivers that spur capital
investments and move a country forward into a
well-functioning market economy: (1) liberalization and
deregulation of business activities, (2) stability and
predictability of the legal environment, (3) corporate and
public governance, (4) liberalization of foreign trade and
international capital movements, (5) financial sector
development, (6) corruption level, (7) political risk, (8)
country promotion and image, and (9) targeted investment
incentives.
Such is the basic framework that I propose to all of you,
Haitians living at home or abroad, for the development and
implementation of a successful strategy for creating
economic wealth and eradicating poverty in Haiti, through
macroeconomic and job creation policies that stimulate the
market economy to bring employment to free individuals in a
free society, and in the most remote rural towns of our
country. Every single one of us, Haitians, must contribute
to bringing about the changes necessary to make our country
work for all of us. So, let us talk to each other, and work
with each other in order to succeed. It is our calling, a
mission that we freely accept.
Where do we begin?
In lieu of the democratization process and other positive
changes that Haitians have been clamoring for since February
1986, this interim 23-year period appears to have resulted
in the collapse of Haiti’s social, political and economic
systems. And, with the lackluster performance of the
current Préval/Pierre-Louis government, the international
community is increasingly looking at Haiti as a failed
state. It would be reasonable indeed, in assessing the
problems of today’s Haiti, that one accepts the objective
realities of a failed state, i.e. of a set of political,
social and economic systems totally broken down and in
disarray, as the point of departure or initial condition
of a renewed transition process leading to the
realization of the Haitian dream, i.e. to the
materialization of the ideals that gave birth to the
independent and sovereign state of Haiti, on January 1,
1804: to create a free and prosperous society that
maximizes the welfare of every individual Haitian..
On this date, January 2, 2009, Haitian Memorial Day, I am
asking you to join me in pursuing the dream of our
forefathers. This is my call to political action for
freedom and development in Haiti.
Parnell Duverger
Chairman, Louverture Center for Freedom & Development
General
Overview
The
Haitian Consortium is a nonprofit, grassroots alliance
organization committed to helping Haitian communities achieve
economic sufficiency. The Haitian Consortium fosters strategic
alliances with grassroots movements, community programs,
neighborhood associations and religious organizations in the
United States and the Caribbean in order to achieve its goals.
The
Haitian Consortium is organized and operated exclusively for
charitable, community empowerment, human development and
educational purposes within the meaning of Section 501(c)(3)
of the Internal Revenue Services of the United States. The
Haitian Consortium is also registered to operate as a not for
profit organization in Haiti and represented by other foreign
body.
If
you have any questions or need Additional information, please
contact us at:
The
Haitian Consortium
Enock Gustave, Chairman
The Haitian Consortium:
5927 Anno Avenue Orlando, Florida, 32809 (USA)
Phone:
206-312-7274
/ 206-736-7808
e-mail:
opinion@haitianconsortium.conm |